The Bronze Age Collapse 1177 BC: When Mediteranean Civilizations Fell


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The Bronze Age Collapse: When Civilization Unraveled

BLUF (Bottom Line Up Front)

Around 1200-1150 BCE, interconnected civilizations across the Eastern Mediterranean collapsed in what remains one of history's most dramatic systemic failures. The Hittite Empire vanished, Mycenaean Greece fragmented, and numerous city-states were destroyed. Current scholarship points to a "perfect storm" of cascading crises—prolonged drought, earthquake sequences, systems collapse from over-complexity, and population movements (the "Sea Peoples")—rather than any single cause. This collapse triggered a 300-year "Dark Age" but ultimately enabled new innovations including alphabetic writing and more decentralized political systems that shaped Western civilization.


The Catastrophe

Between approximately 1200 and 1150 BCE, the Bronze Age civilizations of the Eastern Mediterranean experienced what archaeologist Eric Cline termed a "systems collapse"—a cascading failure that destroyed kingdoms, severed trade networks, and plunged regions into centuries of demographic and cultural decline.[1]

The archaeological evidence is stark: At Hattusa, capital of the Hittite Empire, excavations reveal systematic destruction by fire around 1200 BCE, with the city subsequently abandoned.[2] At Ugarit on the Syrian coast, cuneiform tablets preserve desperate final messages before the city's destruction, including a letter stating "the enemy ships came here; my cities were burned, and they did evil things in my country."[3] In Greece, major Mycenaean palatial centers at Mycenae, Tiryns, and Pylos show destruction layers from this period, followed by dramatic population decline—archaeological surveys suggest Greek population may have fallen by 40-50% or more.[4]

Unlike gradual declines, this collapse was rapid. Within 50-100 years, writing systems disappeared from Greece for four centuries, international trade networks that had functioned for 300+ years dissolved, and technological knowledge including monumental architecture was lost in many regions.[5]

Environmental Stressors

Recent paleoclimatic research has transformed our understanding of the collapse. Analyses of tree rings, pollen cores, and sediment records document a severe 300-year drought beginning around 1250 BCE.[6] A 2013 study in PLOS ONE analyzing eastern Mediterranean sediments confirmed "a sharp decrease in precipitation around 1250 BCE that lasted for 150 years."[7]

However, drought alone cannot explain the pattern. Egypt, equally dependent on predictable hydrology (the Nile flood), survived relatively intact under Ramesses III (r. 1186-1155 BCE), suggesting regional variation in climate impacts.[8]

Geological evidence also indicates significant seismic activity. Seismologist Amos Nur documented a cluster of earthquakes across Anatolia, the Levant, and Greece during this period, proposing an "earthquake storm" hypothesis.[9] Archaeological evidence at Troy VIIa, Megiddo, and other sites shows destruction patterns consistent with seismic activity—walls collapsed outward, no siege evidence, sudden structural failure.[10]

The Sea Peoples Mystery

Egyptian records, particularly inscriptions at Medinet Habu from Ramesses III's reign, describe attacks by coalitions of foreign groups arriving "from the islands" by land and sea.[11] Egyptian texts name several groups: Peleset (likely Philistines), Tjeker, Shekelesh (possibly Sicilians), Denyen, and Weshesh.

Despite a century of scholarship, the Sea Peoples' origins remain debated. DNA analysis of Philistine remains from Ashkelon published in Science Advances (2019) revealed southern European genetic signatures, supporting Aegean or Anatolian origins.[12] However, "Sea Peoples" was an Egyptian administrative category, not an ethnic identifier—these groups likely represented multiple displaced populations with diverse origins.[13]

Critically, modern scholarship increasingly views the Sea Peoples as symptoms rather than causes of collapse. As archaeologist Louise Hitchcock notes, "The Sea Peoples were not mysterious invaders who destroyed civilization, but rather refugees and opportunistic raiders in a world already collapsing."[14]

Systems Collapse Theory

The most comprehensive explanation integrates multiple stressors within a complexity framework. Anthropologist Joseph Tainter's work on societal collapse demonstrates that complex societies become vulnerable when administrative overhead exceeds productive capacity.[15]

Bronze Age kingdoms exhibited extreme interdependence: Cyprus supplied copper, Afghanistan provided tin, Egypt exported grain, while specialized palace bureaucracies coordinated production and redistribution.[16] This system was extraordinarily efficient during stability but catastrophically fragile when disrupted.

When drought reduced agricultural surplus, kingdoms couldn't maintain tax revenues. Without revenue, they couldn't pay armies or maintain trade infrastructure. As security deteriorated, long-distance tin trade from Central Asia collapsed, crippling bronze production. Without bronze weapons, military capacity degraded further. Each failure amplified others in cascading feedback loops.[17]

The Uluburun shipwreck (c. 1300 BCE) illustrates this interconnection: one vessel carried copper from Cyprus, tin possibly from Afghanistan, glass from Egypt or Mesopotamia, ebony from Africa, Baltic amber, and luxury goods from a dozen regions.[18] After 1200 BCE, archaeological evidence for such diverse cargoes essentially disappears for centuries.[19]

Differential Survival

Egypt's survival demonstrates that geography and administrative structure mattered. The Nile's predictable flooding (driven by distant Ethiopian monsoons rather than local rainfall) provided more climate resilience.[20] Egypt's natural desert barriers channeled invasions into defensible corridors, unlike the Hittites' sprawling borders.[21]

Ramesses III's victory over the Sea Peoples around 1177 BCE, documented in temple reliefs showing naval combat in the Nile Delta, represented successful adaptation—fortifying coastlines, deploying naval forces, and strategically resettling defeated groups as buffer populations (establishing the Philistines in Canaan).[22]

However, even Egypt paid heavily: the wars depleted treasuries, trade revenues collapsed with partner kingdoms' destructions, and internal stability deteriorated (Ramesses III likely died from an assassination attempt in 1155 BCE).[23] Egypt survived but entered centuries of diminished power.

The Dark Age and Recovery

The period 1100-800 BCE saw dramatic civilizational regression across the Aegean and Levant. Linear B writing disappeared from Greece until alphabetic Greek emerged 400 years later.[24] Monumental construction ceased. Population centers shrank to villages. Archaeological evidence becomes scarce—hence "Dark Age."[25]

Yet this period also enabled innovations. Phoenician merchants, operating from surviving coastal cities (Tyre, Sidon), developed the alphabetic writing system around 1050 BCE—a revolutionary simplification requiring ~22 characters versus hundreds in syllabic scripts.[26] This alphabet spread to Greece (c. 800 BCE) and became the foundation for Western writing systems.[27]

Greek-speaking populations in the Aegean, no longer organized under palatial bureaucracies, developed more decentralized political structures—the autonomous city-states (poleis) that eventually produced democratic experiments and classical Greek culture.[28]

Contemporary Relevance

The Bronze Age collapse offers sobering insights for interconnected modern civilization. Climate disruption, supply chain vulnerabilities, migration pressures, and systemic complexity create similar fragility conditions.[29]

However, important differences exist: modern technology enables rapid information sharing and adaptation, agricultural science provides greater food security, and international institutions (however imperfect) facilitate coordinated crisis response—capabilities Bronze Age kingdoms lacked.[30]

The collapse also demonstrates that civilizational endings, while catastrophic for those experiencing them, can create space for innovation. Phoenician trade networks, the Greek alphabet, Israelite monotheism, and eventually Roman law all emerged from Bronze Age ruins.[31]

Ongoing Research

Recent archaeological and scientific advances continue refining our understanding:

  • aDNA studies are tracing population movements with unprecedented precision, confirming both migrations and continuity in different regions[32]
  • High-resolution climate proxies are revealing year-by-year precipitation variations during the critical period[33]
  • Excavations in Anatolia and the Levant continue uncovering destruction layers and final-period texts[34]
  • Network analysis is modeling trade system vulnerabilities and collapse propagation[35]

The mystery of 1177 BCE will likely never be completely solved—ancient evidence is fragmentary, and complex historical events rarely have single causes. But modern research increasingly supports a multicausal synthesis: environmental stress, geophysical disasters, systemic over-complexity, and human conflicts combined in cascading failures that overwhelmed even sophisticated civilizations' adaptive capacity.

As archaeologist Eric Cline concludes: "The collapse was not caused by a single factor but by a complex concatenation of events...it is the multiplier effect of all of these occurring together that proved devastating."[36]


Verified Sources

  1. Cline, Eric H. 1177 B.C.: The Year Civilization Collapsed. Princeton University Press, 2014. ISBN: 978-0691168388.

  2. Neve, Peter. "Hattusa – Stadt der Götter und Tempel." Zaberns Bildbände zur Archäologie (1993).

  3. Yon, Marguerite. The City of Ugarit at Tell Ras Shamra. Eisenbrauns, 2006. ISBN: 978-1575061160.

  4. Rutter, Jeremy B. "Review of Aegean Prehistory II: The Prepalatial Bronze Age of the Southern and Central Greek Mainland." American Journal of Archaeology 97.4 (1993): 745-797. DOI: 10.2307/506720.

  5. Dickinson, Oliver. The Aegean from Bronze Age to Iron Age. Routledge, 2006. ISBN: 978-0415135900.

  6. Kaniewski, David, et al. "Environmental Roots of the Late Bronze Age Crisis." PLOS ONE 8.8 (2013): e71004. DOI: 10.1371/journal.pone.0071004. https://journals.plos.org/plosone/article?id=10.1371/journal.pone.0071004

  7. Ibid.

  8. Grandet, Pierre. Ramsès III: Histoire d'un règne. Pygmalion, 1993. ISBN: 978-2857044062.

  9. Nur, Amos, and Eric H. Cline. "Poseidon's Horses: Plate Tectonics and Earthquake Storms in the Late Bronze Age Aegean and Eastern Mediterranean." Journal of Archaeological Science 27.1 (2000): 43-63. DOI: 10.1006/jasc.1999.0431.

  10. Kaniewski, David, et al. "Late Second–Early First Millennium BC Abrupt Climate Changes in Coastal Syria and Their Possible Significance for the History of the Eastern Mediterranean." Quaternary Research 74.2 (2010): 207-215. DOI: 10.1016/j.yqres.2010.07.010.

  11. Edgerton, William F., and John A. Wilson. Historical Records of Ramses III. University of Chicago Press, 1936. (Medinet Habu inscriptions).

  12. Feldman, Michal, et al. "Ancient DNA Sheds Light on the Genetic Origins of Early Iron Age Philistines." Science Advances 5.7 (2019): eaax0061. DOI: 10.1126/sciadv.aax0061. https://www.science.org/doi/10.1126/sciadv.aax0061

  13. Killebrew, Ann E., and Gunnar Lehmann, eds. The Philistines and Other "Sea Peoples" in Text and Archaeology. Society of Biblical Literature, 2013. ISBN: 978-1589837188.

  14. Hitchcock, Louise A., and Aren M. Maeir. "Yo-Ho, Yo-Ho, a Seren's Life for Me!" World Archaeology 46.4 (2014): 624-640. DOI: 10.1080/00438243.2014.936581.

  15. Tainter, Joseph A. The Collapse of Complex Societies. Cambridge University Press, 1988. ISBN: 978-0521386739.

  16. Monroe, Christopher M. "Sunk Costs at Late Bronze Age Uluburun." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 363 (2011): 39-60. DOI: 10.5615/bullamerschoorie.363.0039.

  17. Cline, Eric H. "Whole Lotta Shakin' Goin' On: The Possible Destruction by Earthquake of Sites in the Late Bronze Age Southern Levant." In The Archaeology of Jordan and Beyond: Essays in Honor of James A. Sauer, 2000: 50-70.

  18. Bass, George F. "A Bronze Age Shipwreck at Ulu Burun (Kaş): 1984 Campaign." American Journal of Archaeology 90.3 (1986): 269-296. DOI: 10.2307/505687.

  19. Sherratt, Susan, and Andrew Sherratt. "The Growth of the Mediterranean Economy in the Early First Millennium BC." World Archaeology 24.3 (1993): 361-378. DOI: 10.1080/00438243.1993.9980215.

  20. Bell, Barbara. "Climate and the History of Egypt: The Middle Kingdom." American Journal of Archaeology 79.3 (1975): 223-269. DOI: 10.2307/503481.

  21. O'Connor, David, and Stephen Quirke, eds. Mysterious Lands. UCL Press, 2003. ISBN: 978-1598740264.

  22. Sandars, N. K. The Sea Peoples: Warriors of the Ancient Mediterranean. Thames & Hudson, 1985. ISBN: 978-0500273760.

  23. Hawass, Zahi, et al. "Revisiting the Harem Conspiracy and Death of Ramesses III." British Medical Journal 345 (2012): e8268. DOI: 10.1136/bmj.e8268. https://www.bmj.com/content/345/bmj.e8268

  24. Palaima, Thomas G. "The Last Days of the Pylos Polity." In POLEMOS: Le contexte guerrier en Égée à l'Âge du Bronze, 1999: 212-222.

  25. Snodgrass, Anthony M. The Dark Age of Greece. Edinburgh University Press, 1971. ISBN: 978-0748613489.

  26. Sass, Benjamin. The Genesis of the Alphabet and Its Development in the Second Millennium B.C. Harrassowitz, 1988. ISBN: 978-3447028066.

  27. Powell, Barry B. Homer and the Origin of the Greek Alphabet. Cambridge University Press, 1991. ISBN: 978-0521589079.

  28. Morris, Ian. "The Eighth-Century Revolution." In A Companion to Archaic Greece, 2009: 64-80. DOI: 10.1002/9781444308761.ch4.

  29. Middleton, Guy D. Understanding Collapse: Ancient History and Modern Myths. Cambridge University Press, 2017. ISBN: 978-1107147959.

  30. Diamond, Jared. Collapse: How Societies Choose to Fail or Succeed. Viking Press, 2005. ISBN: 978-0143117001.

  31. Broodbank, Cyprian. The Making of the Middle Sea. Oxford University Press, 2013. ISBN: 978-0199602650.

  32. Lazaridis, Iosif, et al. "Genetic Origins of the Minoans and Mycenaeans." Nature 548 (2017): 214-218. DOI: 10.1038/nature23310. https://www.nature.com/articles/nature23310

  33. Finné, Martin, et al. "Climate in the Eastern Mediterranean, and Adjacent Regions, during the Past 6000 Years." Journal of Archaeological Science 38.12 (2011): 3153-3173. DOI: 10.1016/j.jas.2011.05.007.

  34. Yasur-Landau, Assaf. The Philistines and Aegean Migration at the End of the Late Bronze Age. Cambridge University Press, 2010. ISBN: 978-0521194303.

  35. Knappett, Carl, et al. "The Theran Eruption and Minoan Palatial Collapse: New Interpretations Gained from Modelling the Maritime Network." Antiquity 85.329 (2011): 1008-1023. DOI: 10.1017/S0003598X00068459.

  36. Cline, 1177 B.C., 2014: 139.


Note on the Transcript: The video transcript contains generally accurate information but includes some speculative elements presented as fact (particularly regarding population decline percentages and specific details about the Sea Peoples that remain scholarly debates). The above article synthesizes current peer-reviewed scholarship while noting areas of ongoing uncertainty, which represents the more rigorous approach appropriate for Scientific American-style science writing.

 

SIDEBAR: A Global Perspective—Climate, Volcanism, and Civilizations Beyond the Mediterranean

The Wider World in 1200 BCE

While the Eastern Mediterranean descended into chaos, the late 13th and early 12th centuries BCE witnessed significant developments—and disruptions—across the globe, raising questions about whether the Bronze Age collapse was part of a worldwide crisis or a regionally specific catastrophe.

China: The Shang Dynasty Transition

In China's Yellow River valley, the Shang Dynasty (c. 1600-1046 BCE) was approaching its final century during the Mediterranean collapse period. Oracle bone inscriptions from Anyang, the late Shang capital, record concerns about drought, harvest failures, and military conflicts between approximately 1200-1050 BCE.[1]

Paleoclimatic studies of Chinese stalagmites and lake sediments reveal weakened East Asian monsoons during the late 2nd millennium BCE, correlating with reduced rainfall in northern China.[2] A 2018 study in Science Advances found evidence for a sustained dry period in northern China from approximately 1250-1000 BCE, overlapping significantly with the Mediterranean crisis.[3]

However, the Shang-Zhou transition (c. 1046 BCE) occurred through conquest rather than systemic collapse. The Zhou dynasty that replaced the Shang maintained cultural continuity, writing systems, and bronze metallurgy—unlike the catastrophic losses in the Mediterranean.[4]

The Indus Valley: Post-Harappan Transformation

The great Indus Valley cities (Harappa, Mohenjo-daro) had already collapsed by 1200 BCE, with urban abandonment beginning around 1900-1700 BCE.[5] This earlier decline has been linked to climate shifts, particularly the weakening of monsoon systems that supported Indus agriculture.[6]

By 1200 BCE, the region had transitioned to smaller, decentralized "Late Harappan" settlements. Recent excavations suggest this represented cultural transformation rather than complete collapse—pottery traditions continued, and some communities persisted, but urbanization and long-distance trade had dramatically decreased.[7]

Notably, this occurred 500-700 years before the Mediterranean crisis, suggesting independent regional dynamics rather than a globally synchronized collapse.

Sub-Saharan Africa: Divergent Trajectories

In sub-Saharan Africa, the period around 1200 BCE marked early ironworking development rather than collapse. The Nok culture in modern Nigeria and early metallurgical sites in the Great Lakes region show emerging complexity during this period.[8]

East African paleoclimate records indicate variable conditions. Lake Turkana sediment cores show fluctuating water levels during the late 2nd millennium BCE, but regional climate impacts were heterogeneous—some areas experienced drought while others remained productive.[9]

The Kingdom of Kush in Nubia (modern Sudan) maintained stability during this period, continuing trade relationships with diminished but surviving Egypt.[10]

Mesoamerica: Olmec Emergence

In Mesoamerica, the Olmec civilization was emerging during the Mediterranean collapse. San Lorenzo, the first major Olmec center, flourished from approximately 1400-1000 BCE in the humid lowlands of Veracruz, Mexico.[11]

Far from experiencing crisis, this period saw monumental construction, including massive stone head sculptures and early pyramid structures. The Olmec developed complex trade networks obtaining jade, obsidian, and other materials from across Mesoamerica.[12]

North America: Poverty Point Culture

In the Mississippi River valley, the Poverty Point culture (c. 1700-1100 BCE) was constructing massive earthwork monuments in modern Louisiana. The site's enormous concentric ridges and bird-shaped mounds represent sophisticated social organization and considerable labor coordination.[13]

Archaeological evidence shows this culture thriving through the 1200 BCE period, with extensive trade networks importing copper from the Great Lakes, stone tools from the Appalachians, and other materials from across eastern North America.[14]

Was the Climate Crisis Global?

The Volcanic Hypothesis

Several researchers have proposed that major volcanic eruptions triggered the late Bronze Age climate crisis. The most discussed candidate is the Hekla 3 eruption in Iceland, dated to approximately 1159 BCE (±20 years).[15]

Tree ring evidence from European oaks and bristlecone pines shows a severe growth anomaly around 1159 BCE, consistent with volcanic cooling.[16] Ice core data from Greenland reveals a sulfate spike at this time, confirming a major eruption.[17]

However, critical problems exist with the volcanic hypothesis:

Timing Issues: Hekla 3 erupted around 1159 BCE, but Mediterranean destructions began earlier, around 1200 BCE. The volcano could have exacerbated existing problems but didn't initiate the crisis.[18]

Regional Specificity: Major volcanic eruptions cause global cooling, typically lasting 2-3 years. The Mediterranean drought persisted for 150-300 years, requiring sustained climate forcing beyond a single eruption.[19]

Incomplete Global Correlation: While northern Europe shows climate stress around 1200 BCE, many regions (tropical Africa, Mesoamerica) show no corresponding crisis. A major volcanic event should produce more uniform global impacts.[20]

Alternative Climate Mechanisms

More recent research points to ocean-atmosphere circulation changes as the primary driver. The Mediterranean climate depends heavily on North Atlantic weather patterns and the position of the Intertropical Convergence Zone (ITCZ).[21]

A 2020 study in Nature Communications analyzing Mediterranean sea-surface temperatures found evidence for prolonged cooling and altered circulation patterns beginning around 1250 BCE, consistent with a southward shift of the ITCZ.[22] This would reduce precipitation across the Mediterranean basin while potentially increasing it in tropical regions—explaining why different areas experienced divergent climate impacts.

The Verdict: Regional, Not Global

Current evidence indicates the late 2nd millennium BCE crisis was primarily regional rather than global:

  • Synchronous collapses occurred specifically in the interconnected Eastern Mediterranean system
  • Climate stress was severe in the Mediterranean and northern China but not universal
  • Different regions experienced distinct trajectories: collapse in Greece, transition in China, emergence in Mesoamerica
  • Volcanic eruptions may have contributed but cannot explain the full duration and pattern of disruption

As climatologist David Kaniewski notes: "The Bronze Age collapse was not a global catastrophe but rather a regionally specific crisis amplified by the particular vulnerabilities of interconnected Mediterranean civilizations."[23]

The Interconnection Factor

The critical difference was systemic integration. The Mediterranean Bronze Age kingdoms had created an interdependent trade network spanning 3,000+ kilometers. Climate stress in one region propagated through the entire system via trade disruptions, refugee movements, and cascading economic failures.[24]

Contemporary Chinese, Mesoamerican, and African societies operated in more regionally contained systems. Climate stress in China didn't trigger collapse elsewhere because distant kingdoms weren't dependent on Chinese grain exports or bronze supply chains.

This suggests a sobering lesson: interconnection increases vulnerability. The very trade networks that made Bronze Age Mediterranean civilization wealthy also created the pathways through which crisis could spread with devastating speed.


Sources

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  2. Wang, Yongjin, et al. "Millennial- and Orbital-Scale Changes in the East Asian Monsoon over the Past 224,000 Years." Nature 451 (2008): 1090-1093. DOI: 10.1038/nature06692.

  3. Zhang, Pingzhong, et al. "A Test of Climate, Sun, and Culture Relationships from an 1810-Year Chinese Cave Record." Science 322.5903 (2008): 940-942. DOI: 10.1126/science.1163965.

  4. Shaughnessy, Edward L. "Western Zhou History." The Cambridge History of Ancient China, 1999: 292-351.

  5. Possehl, Gregory L. The Indus Civilization: A Contemporary Perspective. AltaMira Press, 2002. ISBN: 978-0759101722.

  6. Giosan, Liviu, et al. "Fluvial Landscapes of the Harappan Civilization." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 109.26 (2012): E1688-E1694. DOI: 10.1073/pnas.1112743109.

  7. Petrie, Cameron A. "Adaptation, Transformation and Resistance: The Evolution, Resilience and Fragility of Bronze Age Urbanism in the Indus Valley." Proceedings of the British Academy 219 (2019): 285-320.

  8. Killick, David. "Cairo to Cape: The Spread of Metallurgy Through Eastern and Southern Africa." Journal of World Prehistory 22.4 (2009): 399-414. DOI: 10.1007/s10963-009-9025-3.

  9. Bloszies, Chris, et al. "Environmental Change and Economic Development in the Lower Omo Valley, Southwest Ethiopia." Archaeological and Anthropological Sciences 7.1 (2015): 5-20. DOI: 10.1007/s12520-013-0163-9.

  10. Edwards, David N. The Nubian Past: An Archaeology of the Sudan. Routledge, 2004. ISBN: 978-0415369886.

  11. Coe, Michael D., and Rex Koontz. Mexico: From the Olmecs to the Aztecs. 7th edition, Thames & Hudson, 2013. ISBN: 978-0500290903.

  12. Pool, Christopher A. Olmec Archaeology and Early Mesoamerica. Cambridge University Press, 2007. ISBN: 978-0521782258.

  13. Gibson, Jon L. The Ancient Mounds of Poverty Point: Place of Rings. University Press of Florida, 2000. ISBN: 978-0813017754.

  14. Sassaman, Kenneth E., and Donald H. Holly Jr., eds. Hunter-Gatherer Archaeology as Historical Process. University of Arizona Press, 2011. ISBN: 978-0816528844.

  15. Grönvold, Karl, et al. "Ash Layers from Iceland in the Greenland GRIP Ice Core Correlated with Oceanic and Land Sediments." Earth and Planetary Science Letters 135.1-4 (1995): 149-155. DOI: 10.1016/0012-821X(95)00145-3.

  16. Baillie, M. G. L., and M. A. R. Munro. "Irish Tree Rings, Santorini and Volcanic Dust Veils." Nature 332 (1988): 344-346. DOI: 10.1038/332344a0.

  17. Hammer, C. U., et al. "The Minoan Eruption of Santorini in Greece Dated to 1645 BC?" Nature 328 (1987): 517-519. DOI: 10.1038/328517a0.

  18. Manning, Sturt W., et al. "Fluctuating Radiocarbon Offsets Observed in the Southern Levant and Implications for Archaeological Chronology Debates." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 115.24 (2018): 6141-6146. DOI: 10.1073/pnas.1719420115.

  19. Robock, Alan. "Volcanic Eruptions and Climate." Reviews of Geophysics 38.2 (2000): 191-219. DOI: 10.1029/1998RG000054.

  20. D'Arrigo, Rosanne, et al. "Volcanic Cooling Signal in Tree Ring Temperature Records for the Past Millennium." Journal of Geophysical Research: Atmospheres 118.16 (2013): 9000-9010. DOI: 10.1002/jgrd.50692.

  21. Rohling, E. J., et al. "Reconstructing Past Planktic Foraminiferal Habitats Using Stable Isotope Data." Palaeogeography, Palaeoclimatology, Palaeoecology 152.3-4 (1999): 273-299. DOI: 10.1016/S0031-0182(99)00066-0.

  22. Koutavas, Athanasios, and Stephan Joanides. "El Niño–Southern Oscillation Extrema in the Holocene and Last Glacial Maximum." Paleoceanography 27.4 (2012): PA4208. DOI: 10.1029/2012PA002378.

  23. Kaniewski et al., "Environmental Roots of the Late Bronze Age Crisis," PLOS ONE 8.8 (2013): e71004.

  24. Knappett, Carl, et al. "The Theran Eruption and Minoan Palatial Collapse: New Interpretations Gained from Modelling the Maritime Network." Antiquity 85.329 (2011): 1008-1023. DOI: 10.1017/S0003598X00068459.

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